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That being said, my real question is, what can you give a child for one gift that just often be meaningless stuff to boost the pile?. Much of his collection has become imported from China. On peut penser que ces spécificités des embarcations vénètes, qui, comme le montre très clairement le général romain, répondaient aux conditions de navigation sur l océan et dans les estuaires, furent conservées sur de nombreux navires de l époque romaine. C est ce que paraissent indiquer quelques rares découvertes archéologiques.

L embarcation, découverte dans la basse Charente, en aval de Saintes, devait avoir une capacité de charge d une dizaine de tonnes, avec une longueur d une quinzaine de m et une largeur de 4,80 m, était dotée d un pont à l avant et à l arrière, d une étrave et d un étambot: Sans doute cette embarcation est-elle datée du Haut Moyen Âge, mais plusieurs épaves de la Tamise, celles du II e siècle notamment Mardsen et , sont du même genre, ou encore le bateau de Bruges, daté également du II e siècle Mardsen Les autres embarcations, plus ou moins sûrement reconnues en Aquitaine, ont été trouvées par hasard et généralement détruites dès ce moment-là, comme le navire de Cadaujac, qui sombra en et dont on n a été recueilli que les monnaies et quelques morceaux de bois Étienne et Rachet Leur tonnage La capacité de transport de ces bateaux de l Atlantique était assurément inférieure à celle des gros bâtiments de la Méditerranée, de ces myriophoroi qui pouvaient atteindre t de port en lourd Pomey et Tchernia et dont l épave de Giens est un bon exemplaire, avec ses 40 m de long, 9 m de large et sa cale de 4,50 m de hauteur.

Ceux que l on a pu examiner récemment, en particulier les épaves de la Tamise et de Port-Bertaud 2, étaient nettement plus petits et de plus faible tirant d eau, en raison de la pratique généralisée de la navigation à la fois en mer et dans les estuaires.

Mais leur tonnage était de l ordre de plusieurs dizaines de tonneaux, avec un port en lourd de 10 à 50 tonnes selon les cas.

La capacité de transport de ces embarcations était donc très supérieure à celle des chariots, même si on considère que ceux-ci portaient des charges souvent supérieures aux livres indiquées dans l Édit du Maximum Raepsaet , , Molin et qui pouvaient vraisemblablement atteindre la tonne pour les grosses charrettes tirées par des boeufs.

Leur vitesse Le bateau était aussi bien plus rapide que le chariot de transport de marchandises. Les informations précises manquent pour les navigations antiques dans l Atlantique. César traversa la Manche avec son armée en environ 6 heures. Il est aussi rapporté qu un navire chargé de blé aurait fait le voyage entre l Egypte et l Angleterre en 20 jours Léonce de Naples, Vie de Saint Jean l Aumônier, d après Rougé , , durée tellement courte qu elle doit correspondre à un impressionnant record, puisque c est le temps que.

Indiquons plutôt quelques exemples parfaitement sûrs, pris dans la longue série établie par J. Bernard pour la fin du Moyen Âge et le début de l Époque Moderne: Rappelons enfin, grâce à un passage bien connu d Ausone Lettres, V, , le grand intérêt de l utilisation de la marée dans les estuaires, aussi bien du flux que du reflux: Cette possibilité d utiliser le flot de la marée est la particularité et le très grand avantage qu offre le littoral atlantique, grâce à ses estuaires et à ses rias.

Par ces véritables couloirs maritimes, abrités des tempêtes de l océan, les navires de mer, portés par la marée, pouvaient s avancer rapidement et parfois très loin à l intérieur des terres. L Aquitaine, par exemple, disposait de trois grands estuaires, celui de la Gironde et de la Garonne, long de km, de la Loire, d environ 60 km et celui de la Charente de 50 km. Les rias des Asturies, de la Galice et de l Armorique sont en général plus courtes, mais leur profondeur est souvent supérieure.

Les ports de l Atlantique L Aquitaine disposait d un assez grand nombre de ports de mer, répartis assez régulièrement sur toute sa façade atlantique: Ces quatre ports principaux de l Aquitaine se sont tous développés à l extrémité de ces longs estuaires, que pouvaient atteindre les bateaux de mer et où commençait la navigation fluviale. Sur la Loire, se trouvaient, face à face, Nantes et Rézé. Provost , 29 et. Rézé, le Ratiaton de Ptolémée, était le Port des Pictons, une vaste agglomération qui a connu un essor rapide à partir de l époque augustéenne: Provost , 29 et Sur la Gironde, se trouvaient Barzan et Bordeaux.

Barzan, très vaste vicus installé sur la rive gauche de l estuaire, était probablement le Portus Santonum. Relié à Saintes par une bonne route, il assurait un important trafic entre le chef-lieu de la cité des Santons et Bordeaux et vers tout le bassin de la Garonne. Si le port n a pas encore été localisé avec certitude, de grands entrepôts ont été reconnus en prospection aérienne et leur fouille vient de commencer.

Burdigala était la première cité marchande du Golfe de Gascogne. Son rayonnement commercial, conféré par une exceptionnelle situation géographique, est attesté par une abondante documentation littéraire, épigraphique et archéologique. Son port est encore mal connu.

Pendant très longtemps il n a été question que de celui du Bas-Empire, situé au centre du castrum et que décrivent avec précision Ausone Lettres, XIII, et Paulin de Pella Poèmes d action de grâce, Aujourd hui, grâce aux fouilles récentes, on commence à se rendre compte que celui du Haut-Empire était plus vaste: A côté de ces grands ports, existaient, tout le long de la côte d Aquitaine, de nombreux autres établissements portuaires, plus ou moins bien équipés et plus.

Les différents moyens de transport de l Aquitaine gallo-romaine. A leur propos, nous manquons presque toujours de données précises, car ils n ont pas fait l objet de véritables recherches. Aussi notre liste est-elle probablement incomplète et, pour ceux que nous mentionnons, les informations sont à la fois incertaines et lacunaires. Sur le territoire de la cité des Pictons, sont localisés les sites portuaires de Prigny aux Moutiers Provost , , de Nallier Provost et al.

Saintes, capitale de l Aquitaine sous le Haut- Empire, avait assurément un port actif, même si on n en a encore jamais rencontré de vestiges Maurin , La Charente est, en effet, remontée par la marée jusqu aux abords de la ville et d assez gros bateaux, comme le caboteur de Port-Berteau II présenté plus haut p.

Les deux rives du fleuve, en aval et en amont du grand pont de la voie de Lyon, devaient être plus ou moins bien aménagées, soit simplement renforcées par des palissades de pieux, soit dotées de véritables quais. Au sud de la Charente, l estuaire de la Seudre offrait un excellent abri naturel et devait assurément disposer de mouillages équipés d embarcadères. Ensuite, outre les grands ports de Barzan et de Bordeaux, l ensemble du très long estuaire de la Gironde, de la Garonne inférieure et de la basse Dordogne disposait de nombreux établissements portuaires, qui sont également mal connus, par manque de recherches archéologiques, bien que plusieurs soient mentionnés par des sources littéraires assez précises.

De l océan vers l intérieur, on peut citer successivement Dumnotonum, la villa de Théon, l ami d Ausone, qui se trouvait à proximité de la Pointe de Grave et devait posséder un embarcadère. Puis, sur la même rive de l estuaire, mais un peu à l écart de celle-ci, l agglomération de Brion, à Saint-Germain-d Esteuil, probablement le Noviomagus de Ptolémée qui occupait une dizaine d hectares et dont une partie des édifices a été exhumée, mais pas le port qui se trouve vraisemblablement un peu au nord, peut-être au bord d un.

Plus loin, sur le plateau de Blaye, se dressait Blavia Landais , avec son port en contrebas où, en venant de Saintes par la grande route, on s embarquait pour gagner commodément Bordeaux Ausone, Lettres, X, ; une garnison des milites Garronensium, préposés à la défense du littoral Notice de Dignités, XXVII y était stationnée à la fin du IV e siècle. Au-delà de Bordeaux, se trouvaient encore plusieurs autres ports qui profitaient aussi de la marée et que mentionnent des sources anciennes, en particulier Condate sur la Dordogne, identifié avec Condat, faubourg de Libourne Ausone, Lettres, V, 32 et Alingo, l actuelle Langon Sidoine Apollinaire, Lettres, VIII, Au sud de la Gironde, la côte rectiligne du Médoc et des Landes est aujourd hui peu propice à l installation d établissements portuaires, à l exception du Bassin d Arcachon.

Mais il n en était sans doute pas ainsi à l époque romaine puisque les géographes considèrent que le cordon de dunes n était pas encore entièrement constitué sur l ensemble du littoral: Aussi de petits ports ou de simples mouillages pouvaient se trouver non loin de l embouchure de ces petits cours d eau et servir d abri aux bateaux qui y accédaient en utilisant les courants de marée pour l entrée et la sortie.

Un seul de ces petits établissements portuaires de la côte landaise a été partiellement reconnu, celui de l antique Losa, qui se trouve aujourd hui sous les eaux du lac de Sanguinet et était installé sur l ancien lit de la Gourgue Boyrie-Fenié ,. Ensuite, la localisation sur la Leyre du port de Lamothe- Biganos, le chef-lieu de la cité des Boiens, paraît aussi fort probable, puisque la rivière passe à m de l agglomération antique Sion , Pour la localisation des autres établissement portuaires possibles, il paraît logique de proposer des situations similaires, sur les anciens estuaires des petites rivières: Enfin, sur la côte rocheuse du Pays Basque, les abris naturels redeviennent nombreux et au moins deux ports peuvent y être situés.

Un devait assurément se trouver à Bayonne, l antique Lapurdum, agglomération importante surtout au Bas-Empire, qui s étendait sur la rive gauche de l estuaire de la Nive; il est généralement situé à l est du rempart, près de sa Porte Orientale Fabre , L autre à Guéthary, où il fallait au moins un port de pêche pour approvisionner la conserverie de poisson qui fonctionnait dès la première moitié du I er siècle ap.

Tobie et Chansac C est, en effet, par l intermédiaire d une très active batellerie intérieure qu ils approvisionnaient une grande partie des régions de l Aquitaine en marchandises étrangères et recevaient de nombreux produits de la province qu ils exportaient ensuite vers tous les pays de l Atlantique.

Cette navigation intérieure était particulièrement favorisée par l excellent réseau hydrographique des bassins de la Loire et de la Garonne: C est exactement ce qu indique Strabon pour l ensemble de la Gaule Géographie, 4,1 2: Enfin, une nouvelle preuve archéologique du très grand intérêt que portaient les Gallo-Romains aux transports par eau vient d être apportée par la découverte du petit canal de Tendu Indre , qui servait à évacuer les blocs extraits d une carrière et qui étaient.

Ce canal, long d une centaine de mètres, large de 1,80 m et profond de 1 m et qui était bordé par un chemin de halage, a été creusé entre la carrière et une petite rivière, la Bouzane, affluent de la Creuse.

En outre, des restes d un quai ont été mis au jour en bordure de celle-ci, à l endroit où le canal la rejoint Pichon Le réseau fluvial du bassin de la Garonne S il est impossible de présenter ici l ensemble des rivières navigables de l Aquitaine, dont la fig.

Le bassin hydrographique de la Garonne s étend sur km 2 environ. Il est constitué, en premier lieu, par le grand fleuve au débit important débit moyen annuel près d Agen: Son cours inférieur était remonté par la marée jusqu à La Réole, soit environ km, chiffre inférieur à celui de lieues, donné par l Itinéraire de Bordeaux à Jérusalem, qu il faut vraisemblablement corriger en milles.

En amont de Toulouse, on doit distinguer la Garonne du territoire des Convènes, empruntée seulement par des radeaux une partie de l année, notamment pour transporter les marbres de Saint- Béat, et la Garonne de la cité des Tolosates, qui était assurément utilisée dans l Antiquité par une active batellerie, mais surtout de l amont vers l aval, en raison de la force du courant Sillières ,. La plupart des affluents de la Garonne disposaient aussi d une batellerie active.

Sur les plus 3 En complément de cette rapide étude, on pourra consulter l excellent travail universitaire de L. Védrine, présenté en et resté inédit; un exemplaire de ce Diplôme d Études Approfondies a été déposé au Service Régional de l Archéologie d Aquitaine.

Même si nous manquons presque totalement de vestiges de bateaux de rivière d époque romaine, on ne peut douter de l importance de cette navigation intérieure qui a perduré pendant toute l époque moderne jusqu au XIX e siècle avec ses grosses gabarres d une vingtaine de tonnes de port. Les cours d eau plus modestes, comme l Aveyron, l Agout, l Isle et la Vézère, affluents du Tarn et de la Dordogne, étaient certainement aussi sillonnés de barques qui devaient être nettement plus petites.

Les embarcations et les ports de la batellerie fluviale La plupart des vestiges archéologiques concernant la navigation intérieure à l époque romaine font presque totalement défaut.

Non seulement les épaves de barques de rivières sont extrêmement rares, hormis pour les pirogues, mais aussi les restes d équipements portuaires. De grandes villes, chefs-lieux de cités antiques, comme Agen, Toulouse et Saint-Bertrand-de- Comminges, sur la Garonne, Orléans et Tours, sur la Loire, étaient assurément pourvues de quai et d entrepôts, mais on n en a pas encore trouvé le moindre vestige.

Il devait aussi exister des embarcadères dans d autres villes situées sur d autres cours d eau navigables de l Aquitaine, comme à Limoges sur la Vienne, à Argenton sur la Creuse, à Cahors sur le Lot, à Périgueux sur L Isle, à Lectoure sur le Gers, à Saintes et à Angoulême sur la Charente, à Dax sur l Adour ou à Poitiers sur le Clain.

On soulignera seulement le cas très intéressant de Bourges, à la fois parce que c est, à notre connaissance, la seule grande ville d Aquitaine qui ait livré quelques restes d équipement portuaire fluvial et, surtout, parce que ceux-ci prouvent qu une très modeste rivière, l Auron, qui passe au sud de la ville et sur laquelle ils se trouvent, était utilisée par la bate-.

Ces vestiges, du I er siècle ap. Ce réseau de nombreux et très divers cours d eau navigables était évidemment emprunté par une batellerie constituée d embarcations très différentes, par leur tonnage et leur tirant d eau, mais aussi par leur mode de propulsion, la voile, la rame et le halage.

Très peu de barques de rivière ont été retrouvées en Aquitaine et aucune n a fait l objet d une véritable fouille, à l exception du caboteur fluvio-maritime de la Charente, déjà mentionné ci-dessus, p. D autres découvertes furent le résultat de dragages, qui n apportèrent que quelques débris des embarcations et une partie de leur cargaison: Mentionnons aussi la barque à fond plat de Vichy, trouvée dans une gravière, qui n a pas donné lieu à une publication détaillée: Cette documentation archéologique est fort insuffisante pour apporter des informations sur le tonnage des barques de rivière de l Aquitaine.

Aussi, à ce sujet, peut-on seulement se fonder sur des comparaisons avec des embarcations d époques plus récentes. On connaît en effet parfaitement les gabarres du Tarn et de la Dordogne, ou encore, grâce aux travaux de G. Caster et de J. Bernard, les couraux des marchands bordelais et des pastelliers toulousains qui naviguaient sur la Garonne aux XV e et XVI e siècles Caster , 76; Bernard ,: La forme et les dimensions de ces embarcations étaient tout à fait comparables à celles de certaines barques fluviales gallo-romaines.

Ces couraux de Toulouse et de Bordeaux paraissent, en particulier, quasi identiques aux chalands gallo-romains de la Haine, qui mesuraient environ 19 m de long pour 2,87 de large et 0,67 de hauteur de bordé, à la barque de Bevaix, de 19,40 m sur 2,90 m et 0,80 m, ou encore à celle d Yverdon qui atteignait 22 m, pour 3,30 m et 0,90 m Izarra ,. En conséquence, nous proposons de voir dans le courau du XV e siècle une assez convenable représentation des grosses barques qui naviguaient sur la moyenne Garonne à l époque romaine.

On a déjà insisté sur le tonnage des embarcations et leur très grande supériorité par rapport à la capacité de charge des chariots, aussi bien des navires de mer que des barques de rivières. Mais il faut surtout songer au coût très nettement inférieur des transports par eau pour les marchandises de faible valeur comme le blé ou le vin, de l ordre de six à dix fois moins par la voie fluviale que par la route et de trente à quarante fois moins par la voie maritime.

Enfin, ne pas oublier la médiocrité de beaucoup de chemins. Les transports par voie de terre Toutefois les voies terrestres restaient indispensables. Aussi étaient-elles nombreuses, notamment en Aquitaine, comme le montre la carte de la fig. On n insistera pas ici sur le rôle des grandes voies romaines: Mais la route servait aussi au déplacement des personnes et à l acheminement des marchandises.

Parfois, elle était même le seul moyen de transport,. Le meilleur exemple est celui de la Voie d Aquitaine, qui reliait Narbonne à Toulouse: Ou encore, lorsque l utilisation de la voie d eau était impossible. C était le cas pour les relations entre les régions de la façade atlantique à la mauvaise saison, lorsqu il était trop dangereux de s aventurer sur l océan.

Les Aquitains devaient alors emprunter des routes de direction méridienne, comme la grande voie Dax Bordeaux Saintes Poitiers Tours, qui était sans doute la plus fréquentée.

C était aussi le cas lorsque le courant des fleuves était trop fort et gênait considérablement la remontée des embarcations. Strabon Géographie, IV, 1, 14 nous l explique très clairement à propos du Rhône: C était probablement de cette façon que s effectuaient les transports dans la vallée de la Garonne entre Toulouse et Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges, car le courant du fleuve y est souvent très fort: Enfin, les cours d eau étaient aussi inutilisables lorsque leurs eaux étaient trop basses. C était assurément le cas de nombreuses petites rivières qui ne pouvaient porter des embarcations que quelques mois de l année.

Mais également celui des grands fleuves, même de la Loire et de la Garonne sur la première partie de leur cours, où, certaines années, généralement en août et septembre, les maigres sont extrêmement prononcés.

Pendant ces maigres estivaux, les communications s effectuaient nécessairement en chariot par les voies de terre. En outre, celles-ci étaient préférées aux voies d eau pour les transports rapides. Ainsi les voyageurs utilisaient fréquemment des voitures légères, comme le cisium à deux roues, tiré par trois chevaux, qu utilise par exemple le Santon Axius Paulus Ausone, Lettres, VIII, 6.

De même, la route était préférée quand le danger de naufrage devait être évité à tout prix, en particulier pour l expédition des marchandises de grande valeur, qui pouvaient, d ailleurs, supporter un coût élevé du transport: Les différents moyens de transport entre Saintes et Bordeaux. Les indications d Ausone sont particulièrement précieuses. Surtout celles qu apporte sa Lettre, X, , par laquelle il invite son ami Axius Paulus, rétheur à Saintes, à le rejoindre dans sa maison bordelaise du Pagus Novarus, remo aut rota, c est-à-dire soit par la voie d eau de l estuaire de la Gironde, soit par la voie terrestre: Mais aussi celle de sa Lettre, XI, , dans laquelle il indique qu il expédie du vin à Saintes par une charrette tirée par deux chevaux.

En effet, plusieurs itinéraires pouvaient être empruntés entre les deux villes. L un était uniquement terrestre, celui de la grande route mentionnée par l Itinéraire d Antonin et la Table de Peutinger, dont subsistent des vestiges et à laquelle appartiennent vraisemblablement quatre milliaires CIL, XVII, , , et Le second était entièrement une voie d eau, puisqu il comportait deux tronçons fluviaux, la basse Charente et la Gironde, et le trajet maritime intermédiaire entre les deux estuaires.

Quant au troisième, il était formé d un parcours terrestre, utilisant la route entre Saintes et le port de Barzan, et d une navigation sur l estuaire de la Gironde entre Bordeaux et Barzan. Cet exemple montre qu il existait un large éventail de moyens de transports et que ceux-ci étaient complémentaires.

Les simples voyageurs pouvaient choisir en fonction de leurs préoccupations, de leurs nécessités et aussi de la saison. Ils disposaient généralement d une route impériale avec ses mansiones et ses chevaux de poste.

A la belle saison, ils pouvaient aussi, comme c est le cas entre Saintes et Bordeaux, préférer le transport par voie d eau pour son agrément. Avec le trajet Bordeaux Barzan Saintes, il illustre aussi qu un voyage s effectuait rarement en utilisant un seul moyen de transport.

C est ce que montre aussi le récit d un voyage de Saint Colomban: Pour les marchands, le mode de transport dépendait surtout de la valeur des produits dont ils faisaient commerce. Certaines marchandises de grande valeur étaient assurément expédiées par la route: Les autres, de faible valeur, principalement le bois, les pierres, le blé, le vin, n étaient expédiées au loin que par la voie d eau, afin de réduire au maximum la part du coût du transport dans leur prix de vente.

Mais quand elles devaient emprunter la voie maritime, leur transport ne pouvait s effectuer qu à la belle saison: Navires et gens de mer à Bordeaux vers. Carte archéologique de la Gaule. Un aspect de la géographie des transports dans la Narbonnaise rhodanienne: Le commerce du pastel et de l épicerie à Toulouse, Toulouse. Le trésor de Garonne. Manuel d archéologie galloromaine, II 2. Hommes et fleuves en Gaule romaine. Ships of the port of London: Le Val de Loire dans l Antiquité.

La faiblesses de l attelage antique: Des bateaux et des fleuves. Recherches sur l organisation du commerce maritime en Méditerranée sous l Empire romain. Les communications entre Saintes et Bordeaux à l époque gallo-romaine, in Itinéraire de Saintes à Dougga. Les voies de communication de la cité de Toulouse, in Pailler, J.

Les voies de communication de l Hispanie méridionale. Le bassin de la Garonne: Significant, among other things, were the introduction and consumption of oil and wine. Both could not be produced here, as neither vines nor olive trees could grow in the harsh climate.

Any evidence for wine and oil, therefore, means that these must have been imported from warmer areas on the continent. There are, of course, no remaining archaeological traces for the products themselves; but the distinct packaging and transport vessels are indirect proof of their existence.

The round bodied amphorae of the type Dressel 20 and related forms, for example, are generally seen as typical containers of olive oil. If the distribution of these amphorae in the western half of the Roman Empire is mapped, they are found throughout all areas of all western Provinces 1. The wide spread of these containers does enable conclusions on the eating and cooking customs in the Roman period.

Attempting to recreate ancient trade routes, however, is another matter, in which they are of only marginal use. Of more use in this respect is the study of Dressel type 30 amphorae, which were used for the transport of wine from Gaul.

As early as Peacock mapped and interpreted the distribution of these vessels 2. It is interesting to note that these amphorae are found in a thin band from the river Rhone, along the Rhine, and all the way to Britain 3. Peacock s conclusion, which remains convincing, was that wine from Gaul was imported via the Rhine area. Yet it cannot be identified for certain whether the Dressel 30 amphorae on the Rhine are evidence for a trade route, or for the consumption of wine from Gaul by the local population.

Roman Pottery in Britain, 89 ff. The Rhine and the problems of Gaulish wine in Roman Britain, in: Roman shipping and trade: Britain and the Rhine provinces. CBA Research Report 24, 49 ff. Whichever way one tends to interpret this issue, one thing can be said for certain on the basis of these amphorae: There was trading of various goods between the continent and Britain in the Roman period. The trading to Britain of goods produced on the continent was controlled by the negotiatores Britanniciani, as is known from several inscriptions.

One of them is a dedicatory inscription from Cologne, an altar dedicated to Apollo by the freedman C. On it, he calls himself a negotiator Britannicianus. The inscriptions reads Apollini, C aius Aurelius C aii l ibertus Verus, negotiator Britannicianus, moritex, d onum d edit.

L ocus d atus d ecreto d ecurionum. A second example is known from Bordeaux 5. In this case it is the tombstone of Lucius Solimarius Secundinus, a citizen of Trier: D is M anibus. L ucio Solimario Secundino, civi Trevero, neg otiator Britan niciano. Apart from these individual finds there are an entire group of traders with Britain, which were all found in the same region: Several shrines to the goddess Nehalennia, some partly sunk in the sea, were found here.

Unfortunately only one badly preserved inscription mentioning a negotiator Britannicianus was found near Domburg. Yet a whole series of altars dedicated to the goddess Nehalennia by negotiatores Britanniciani were found at a sanctuary that must have been located near the site of Colijnsplaat. Judging from the inscriptions, the cult of Nehalennia was widely popular here around AD This indicates that Placidus came from the region of Rouen on the Seine in France.

The origins of two further merchants are also known from dedicatory inscriptions to the goddess Nehalennia: In h onorem d omus d ivinae , deae Nehalenniae, G aius Gatullinius Secco, negotiator allecarius, cives Trever, pro se et suis v otum l ibens p osuit 7. The third individual whose home is known from these inscriptions also comes from Trier: M arcus Exgingius Agricola, cives Trever, negotiator salarius C oloniae C laudiae A rae A grippinensium v otum s olvit l ibens m erito 8.

Gaius Gatullinius Secco traded in fish-sauce, but Exgingius Agricola engaged in salt trade for the city of Cologne. In both cases it is not clear, whether they were involved in trade with Britain. In view of the findspot of the inscriptions, however, this is usually assumed. The trading area of Marcus Secundinius Silvanus, on the other hand, definitely included Britain. He, too, dedicated an altar to the goddess Nehalennia near Colijnsplaat. The badly preserved inscription was read by Prof.

Bogaers after its discovery: Deae Nehalenniae, ob merces recte conservatas M arcus Secund inius? Silvanus, negotiator cretariu[s] Britannicianu[s], v otum s olvit l ibens m erito 9. A notable aspect of this inscription is the mentioning of the product he seems to have exported to Britain, he was a trader in pottery. There is another altar dedicated to the goddess Nehalennia by Marcus Secundinius Silvanus, presumably with the same text.

It was found with the sanctuary of Nehalennia at Domburg Interestingly, it is the only dedicatory inscription from Domburg that was put up by a merchant. None of the other inscriptions from this site mention occupations. It would appear that merchants preferred to use the sanctuary of Nehalennia at Colijnsplaat.

The inscriptions of Marcus Secundinus Silvanus therefore show that in the Roman period pottery trade with Britain was in control of a special group of merchants, the negotiatores cretarii Britannniciani. Pottery is an especially useful tool for the study of trade routes. Naturally amphorae, too, are made from clay but they served a primary function as vessels for 6 Deae Nehalenniae catalogue of the exhibition in Middelburg 78 no Ibid.

The temple of Nehalennia at Domburg, 70, no. In this case the goods that were traded were the contents, not the vessels themselves. In the case of the pottery merchants, however, the vessels themselves were the object of trade.

There are three kinds of pottery which might be traded by the negotiatores cretarii Britanniciani, because they were produced in the Gallo-Germanic area between the 2 nd and 4 th century AD and were found in Britain. The distribution area in which moulded sigillata from Rheinzabern mainly is found consists of southern Germania Superior and the territories along the Danube.

Yet some moulded sigillata from the workshops at this site are found on the lower Rhine and in Britain This is hardly surprising, as it is a direct consequence of the location of the production centre.

But some vessels were brought to areas further afield, of which the ones in the lower Rhine area and the British Isles are of particular interest. Finally the cooking ware of the Mayen ware was produced in Mayen in the Eifel region in Germany. Because of the quality of theses pots, they were traded over long distances, and are even found in Britain. All three centres of production Rheinzabern, Trier and Mayen have one thing in common: The distribution of wares from Trier and Rheinzabern shows that transport of pottery did indeed take place primarily on rivers.

While both wares are found in Britain and the lower Rhine region as well as on the middle Danube, one needs to take into account the density of finds. As we are dealing with two entirely different products, a splitting of the market between two groups of merchants cannot have been the reason for this phenomenon. If we consider the position of the two production sites, however, it becomes apparent that they are situated to the north and south respectively of a 11 MEES, A.

In modern times a clear way has been blasted through the rocks, and the course of the river has been adjusted in order for big river vessels to pass this particular stretch of river. This typical distribution pattern, caused by a natural obstruction, shows clearly that products from the Rhine Mosel area were transported to the coast by ship along rivers, before they were finally brought to Britain. Due to their depth under water, seaworthy transport vessels could not have been the sole vessels to carry out this task.

It is rather more likely that the goods were transported to the coast on lighter river vessels with less draught.

Only once they reached the coast were they loaded onto larger vessels that were capable of making the Channel crossing. These are vessels with a flat bottom with much defined edges. This almost rectangular form ensured that they did not sink too deep into the water.

As both ends of the vessel rose upwards slightly, it was possible to run the ship up a bank to some extent a feature that would have eased loading and unloading considerably. Whenever some cargo was found with the remains of these vessels, it consisted of either grain or building materials. Both types are goods that need not have been transported from the continent to the British Isles, as they were available in abundance there.

In the context of this information the cargoes make perfect sense. Grain was used for the supply of the soldiers, building materials especially stone and tile were essential for the building of forts. Yet there is no straightforward and secure evidence that these vessels may have been used for civilian purposes.

Model of the wreck Zwammerdam 2 as an example of a Prahm This means that, for any study of civilian shipping on rivers we have to rely solely on Roman ship representations. In any study of Roman ship iconography in a civilian context, completely new types of ship appear. At the same time a large range of ship types emerges His tombstone, now in the Landesmuseum Mainz, was found at Mainz- Weisenau and shows Blussus and his family on the front. The jewellery of his wife and the purse in his hand are indicators of his family s wealth.

The back of the stone shows the reason for his prosperity it appears that he owned a ship for transporting goods along the Rhine fig. The rising ends of his vessel, especially the stern, are characteristic features. A rudder at the stern was used for steering. To assist with the steering, another oar is being operated by a man in the bow. The ship was propelled by oars indicated here by two oarsmen in the stern, sitting just in front of the helmsman.

The short mast further shows that the ship could have been towed. Unfortunately, it is not possible to identify the cargo for certain, even though it appears to consist of boxes.

The proportions make it clear that Blussus ship must have been a rather small vessel. There would hardly have been space for more than the four crew members once some cargo was stowed between the mast and the rudder and the propulsion oars.

The high stern of Blussus vessels from Mainz forms the connection to a representation of a ship from Cologne 14, which unfortunately is incomplete fig. At least it shows that the ship on the tombstone of Blussus is not a creation of some stonemason s imagination, but a representation of an existing ship type. In any case it is difficult to believe that Blussus or his family would have accepted a representation of his vessel that did not bear relation to the actual ship. Relief of a part of a ship from Cologne The three vessels depicted on the base of the Tiber also seem to have had flat bottoms.

This sculpture is today kept in the Louvre. Their association with the personified river Tiber makes it natural to interpret these vessels as typical Tiber ships, used to transport goods from Portus to Rome. The Tiber vessels would have been significantly longer than Blussus vessel, and the sides, seen in comparison to the overall length, are much lower fig. In this respect the Tiber vessels bear more resemblance to the heavy bulk carriers of type Zwammerdam.

Mis si on sci en ti que au Ca u ca se, t. Ti xis Wur Wel Si war mod ge ni li iyo ro gorc ad gi lob ri vi na war mi, ase ve im por tic: I, 1, 2 , Rvi nis sas mel Wur Wels, ro me lic uk ve ge o met ri u li xa ni dan gvxvde ba ber Znul sam ya ro Si, xo lo Zv.

I, 1 , mis ori ve mxa res er Ti da igi ve sce naa gamo sa xu li: Tavs ara bu neb ri vi for ma aqvs, Tval Si sa ce mia otx kutx e di for mis Sub li. TiT qmis ar ga ir Ce va Ti Te bi xelis mte van ze, gar da ce ri sa, ro me lic kau Wi vit aris mox ri li.

Zi ri Ta dad Wur Wlis orive mxa res er Ti da igi ve sce na me or de ba. Cve u leb riv pe dot rips jo xi uwi ravs, xo lo at lets - stri gi li, dis ko an ara fe ri.

V s-is mi wu ru li sa da IV s-is va zat mxat vro ba Si, anu im pe ri od Si, ro de sac wi Tel fi gu ru li teq ni ka ukansvlas ga nic dis.

Zi ri Ta di Te ma ti ka am pe ri o dis va zeb ze aris di o ni su ri sce nebi; po pu la ru lia ag ret ve qal Rmer Ti afro di te. Tum ca, un da it qvas, rom mo xat vis sti li Zv. IV s-is Su a xa ne bis mxat vro bas mog vago nebs. IV s-is pir ve l na xe vars mi va kut vnot. I, 3, 4, 5 , ro me lic am nas rom Si min da gan vi xi lo, is wels mox vda va nis mu ze um Si muz. Wur We li dgas wri ul qus lze, rom lis sad ga ric da qus lsi da ze da pi ric re zervi re bu li a.

A da B mxa re eb ze gan sxva ve buli sce ne bia ga mo sa xu li. A mxa re ze tab. I, 4 fi gu ras xel Si ga ur kve ve li sa ga ni uwiravs, TiT qos dis ko, ro mel zec ga mo sa xulia jva ri, mkla vebs So ris wer ti le bit. B mxa re ze fi gu ris tab. I, 5 Tavs ukan Sa vi bur Ti vit la qa a. A mxa res fi gu ras Se nar Cu ne bu li aqvs mxo lod sa xe da Cans, rom Tva le bi ori pata ra iri bi zo lit aris ga moy va ni li tab. I, 4 ; ase ve Cans Cven Tvis kar gad cno bi li da ma xa si a Te be li wer ti li lo ya ze.

B mxa ris fi gu ris Ta vi sru lad aris Se mor Ce ni li tab. Tmis ma sa er Ti a ni la qis sa xit aris gamoy va ni li, Sub li otx kutx e di a, pro fi li - bun do va ni. Tu imis mi xed vit vim sje lebt, rom ase Ti sa xis Wur Wleb ze, anu ski fo seb ze mar jve na fi gu ra yo vel Tvis pe dot ri pia da mar cxe na - at le ti, Ta nac ori ve fi guras ax lavs xsi rad mis Tvis da ma xa si a Tebe li at ri bu ti, ma Sin Seg viz lia Ta ma mad gan vsazr vrot, vin aris war mod ge ni li er Tfi gu ri an kom po zi ci a Si, imis da mixed vit Tu sa it aris mib ru ne bu li mi si pro fi li.

Cvens ni mus ze es fi gu ra udavod at le ti a, mi u xe da vad imi sa, rom igi Se mo si li a, rad gan ama ze, gar da pro fili sa, ro me lic mar jvniv aris mib ru ne buli, mig va nis nebs Wur Wlis A gver dze gamo sa xu li at ri bu tic tab. I, 4 , ro me lic, ro gorc we si, at le tebs upy ri at xel Si. Tu ki jvri a ni sa ga ni dis ko a, ra tom un da ewi ros at lets ori dis ko xel Si?

IV s-it ti pi u ri for mis mi xed vit ta nis Tu korpu sis pro fi lis [Archi bald Z. Se nis vne bi: IV s-mde da Semde gac. VI s-is Su a xaneb Si. Exca va ti ons and Stu di es. Gre ek Pa in ted Pot tery, Lon don. Gre ek Pot tery from the Ibe ri an Pe nin su la. Archa ic and Clas si cal Pe ri ods ed. Tset skhlad ze , Brill, p Kac ha ra va D.

Re cent finds at Va ni,- Di a lo gu es d his to i re an ci en ne, Sup plément. Wi ne, Wor ship and Sac ri fice. The Gol den Gra ves of Anci ent Va ni.

New York, p Sa bat ti ni B. Les skyphos du F. Gro up à Spi na: Black and pla in pot tery of the 6 th, 5 th and 4 th cen tu ri es B. Tum ca, ro gorc cno bi li in gli se li mkvle va ri j. TiT qos ek leq tu ri aqe me ni du ri xelov ne ba, ro mel sac na ses xe bi aqvs sxvadas xva qvey ne bis a su re Tis, ba bi lo nis, ela mis, urar tus, sa ber Zne Tis da sxv.

IV atas wleul Si. III atas wle u lis Sua xa neb Si me so po ta mi is qvis mwrel ma os ta teb ma mo Zeb nes Ta vi sabu ri xer xi sa bew da ve bis grzel da viw ro ze da pir ze fi gu re bis gan la ge bi sa. V sa u ku nis pir ve li na xevrit da Ta ri Re bu li pe lo po ne sis bu lebi, ro mel Ta ga mo sa xu le be bi ex mi a ne bian ar mo sav lu ri sa sax lis ka ris sti lis sa bew dav Ta ga mo sa xu le bebs [Bo ar dman J. V sa u ku ni sa an Se sazloa ram de nad me uf ro ad re xa ni sa iyos wels qa re lis r-nis sof.

Ti Toe u li to tis Zir Si otx fur ce la yva vi lia ga mo sa xu li. Txe bis la ma zi, wag rze le bu li sxe u lis for me bi ana tomi u ri si zus tit aris gad mo ce mu li kun- Te bi ar nis nu lia sus tad da msu bu qad. Semdeg Si sa bew da ve bis es for ma aqe me ni durma glip ti ka mac Se it vi sa. V s-is pir ve li na xev rit aris da Ta ri Re bu li. XL, 4; LVI, 2]. RvTa e bi sa da lo me bis frte bi, ag ret ve lo me bis fa fa ri er Tna i rad, wvri li pa rale lu ri xa ze bit aris gad mo ce mu li.

Je ne vis xe lov nebi sa da is to ri is mu ze um Si da cu li sardi o nis pi ra mi du li sa bew da vi msgav si ve ga mo sa xu le bit, ro me lic m. VI s-is bo lo xa ne bi Ta da Zv. V s-is pir ve li na xev rit un da da Ta rir des wels mcxe Ta Si, sam Tav ros ve lis Crdi lo e TiT mde ba re ba i atx e vis na pir ze mcxe Tis mud miv moq me di eq spe di ci is mi er raz mis xel mzrva ne li v.

IV s-is pir ve li na xev rit da a Ta ri Ra, ger ma ne li mec ni e ri a. Se re u li sti lis jguf Si ga ni xi la.

Ta vis mxriv ber Ze ni os ta te bi izu le bulni iy vnen an ga ri Si ga e wi at spar se li momxma reb li sat vis da ker Zod, pro vin ci u- li da sav le Tis sa sax le Ta sat ra pi e bis ge mov ne bi sat vis [Bo ar dman J.

IV sa u ku ne Si ber Znul -spar su li sa bewda ve bi vrcel de bo da ege o sis sam ya ro dan in do ed Tam de da Sa vi zrvis sa na pi ro dan ni lo sam de [Bo ar dman J. Za li an xsi ria ga mo sa xu le be bi sparse li mxed ri sa an qve i Ti me om ri sa da ara me fi sa, ro gorc es da sav let sa ka ro stilis pi ra mi dul sa bew da veb ze a , ro me lic Se mo si lia zus tad ba i atx e vis sa bew dav ze ga mo sa xu li me om ris msgav sad da Su bit an msvil dis rit eb rzvis ro me li me cxo vels [Ma xi mo va M.

IV s-it an uf ro gvi a ni xa nit [Bo ardman J. IV s-is bo lo sa da Sem dgom xanas un da ekut vno des [Bo ar dman J. IV sa u ku neze uf ro gvi an del xa na Si ga da aqvs sa yuradr e bo a, Tu ga vit va lis wi nebt, rom manam de ber Znul -spar su li sa bew da ve bis Ta ri Rad sa yo vel Ta od ari a re bu li iyo Zv.

IV s-is pir ve li na xe va ri. II sa u ku ni dan ax. III sa u ku nit Se iz le ba da Ta rir des. Ta vi si Te ma ti kit da sti lit es sa bew da vic ze mot gan xilul ber nis jgu fis sa bew da vebs ekutvnis lo mis fi gu ra Se ad. III sa u ku nit un da da TariR des. Anti ken Gem men in De ut schen Sam mlun gen. Band I, Te il 1, München. Archa ic Gre ek Gems, Lon don.

Gre ek Gems and Fin ger Rings, Lon don. Gre co -o ri en tal Gems of the Hel le nis tic Peri od. Ja cob -Rost, Gar lach J. Die Stem pel si gel in Vor de ra si a- tis chen Mu se um, Ber lin. Band 31, Ber lin, S Ma xi mo va M. Gri ec his ch-per sis che Kle in kunst in Klei na si en nach den Per ser kri e gen. AA, S Par po la S. The Assyri an Tree of Li fe. Jo ur nal of Ne ar Eas ten Stu di es. On the Prob lem of Kas si te Art. New -York, p Ric hter G. Gre eks in Per si a. Ame ri can Jo ur nal of Archa e o logy, vol.

Engra ved Gems of the Gre ek and Etrus cans, Lon don. Cac hets Archéméni des. New -York, p Vol len we i der M. Ca ta lo gue Ra i son ne des Sce a ux Cylin dres et Inta il les, vol. Ca ta lo gue of the Engra ved Gems and Came os. Taq -qili sas kut vnil min dor Si b. XV-XIV ss-is or mo sa mar xi gatx ra. Sua sa u ku ne e bis na sof la ri Ffa re xa mde ba re obs sof lis Crdi lo -armo sav let na wil Si, wm. Cve ni az rit es na sofla ri Sua sa u ku ne e bis sof. Crdi lo -ar mo sav le Ti ked lis sig rze, ga da ke Te bam de 7,75 m yo fi la.

Se mor Ce ni li si mar le 0. Se sas vle lis sru lad gatx ra ver mo xer xda, Tum ca SeiZ le ba it qvas, rom igi grzel ko ri dors war mo ad gens tab. SemozR u du li ad gi lis far To bi 10 m 2 Sead gens. Ru me lis nas Ti ar moc nda sax lis da sav let kutx es Tan. Ru me lis zur gim xa re ri yis ram deni me qvit iyo amoy va ni li.

Taro qvi Taa na ge bi, Se ma kav Si reb lad Ti xis xsna ria ga mo ye ne bu li; ze da pi ri mo batqa Se bu lia da sax lis ke del Tan ce ra daa ale si li. Ze li sig rziv, di a met rze iyo gaw ri li, Sua na wi li ki ise iyo amo- Re bu li, rom var clis for ma hqon da mi- Re bu li. Ro ris fa lan gis gan dam za de bu li 12 amu le ti. Zvlis niv Te bi: Tum ca, ormo sax lis Ti xat kep ni li ia ta kit iyo dakon ser ve bu li.

Tum ca aq kar gad Cans na mo sax la ris stra tig ra fi a. Se mor Ceni lia wyo bis er Ti ri gi tab. Crdi lo e Ti ked lis sig rze 4.

Se mor Ce ni lia wyo bis ri gi tab. Ru me li ga mar Tu lia Crdi lo -ar mo sav let kutx e Si. A do nes mi e kut vne ba Crdi lo- da sav let kutx is na wi li sig rze 2. Se mor Ce nilia sa Tav sos Ti xat kep ni li ia ta ki da qvafe ni lis frag men te bi. A do nis ze da ked lis mox snis Sem deg na ge bo bis Crdi lo- da savlet kutx e Si ga iw min da da sav le Ti kedlis Se mor Ce ni li na wi li B do ne.

B do nis ia ta ki Ti xat kep ni li a, alag -a lag Cans dam wva ri xis la qe bi. B do nes ase ve mi e kut vne ba Ti xa -a li zi Ta da qvit na ge bi mer xi, ro me lic Crdi lo e Tis kedel zea mi Se ne bu li. Se mor Ce ni lia wyo bis 3 ri gi. C do nis ia ta kic Ti xat kep ni li a. Crdi loda sav le Ti na wi lis gaw men di sas ga moc nda Ti xis aba za ni seb ri? Ru me li Crdi loe Ti ked li dan da ci le bu lia 0. Ru mels pirim xa re da sav le TiT hqon da mi mar Tu li. Se ma kav Si re bel ma sa las Ti xa war moad gens.

Crdi lo e Ti ke de li od nav de formi re bu li a. Se mor Ceni lia qvis wyo bis sa mi ri gi. Se mor Ce ni li maq si ma lu ri si mar le 0,70 m-s ud ris. Se mor Ce ni lia qvis wyo bis sami ri gi. Se sas vle lis mar cxe na mxa res ia ta ki Ti xat kep ni li a, mar jve na mxa res ki ba zaltis fi le bit aris mo ge bu li. Se mar le bis sig rze 2. Ru me li qvis fi le bi Ta da ali zi Taa na ge bi, ga da xu ru li iyo qvis er Ti a ni filit, ro e lic ey rdno bo da ver ti ka lurad Cad gmul qvis sam fi las.

Ru me lis sacx ob na wil Si ga ke- Te bu li Wri li gvic ve nebs, rom qve da do ne Ti xit da ri yis wvri li qvi Taa Sev se bu li. Ru mel Si am teqni kit ga ke Te bu li Ter mo i zo la ci is sa mi do ne da fiq sir da tab.

Se ma kav- Si reb lad Ti xis xsna ria ga mo ye ne bu li. Crdi lo e Ti kede li na wi lob riv, 2. Ru me lis mtli a ni sig rze 2. Se ma kav Si reb lad Ti xaa ga mo ye ne bu li.

Se mor Ce nili si mar le m-s ud ris. Zvel da axal ked lebs So ris moq ce ul far Tob Si alizit na ge bi sa kur Txe ve li da fiq sir da. Se mor Ce ni lia ali zit Se le si li qvis er Ti fi la, ro melic sa kur Txe vels sam xre Ti dan sazrvravs, da Ti xit mo le si li sa kur Txev lis ia ta kis na wi li. Crdi lo- da sav let kutxe Si ba zal tis qvi sa gan dam za de bu li ja mi id ga. Tum ca, un da ari nis nos, rom is Se iz le ba 7 sax ltan iyos da kav Si rebu li tab. Se mor Ce nilia ked lis mci re frag men ti da qvis file bit Sed ge ni li sa kur Txe ve li.

Tu da vus vebt, rom gan sa xilve li mo nak ve Ti 2 saxls ekut vnis, ma Sin 2 sax lis sig rze, Crdi lo et -sam xre Tis xaz ze 7. Tixis Wur We li, da nis nu le bis mi xed vit, sam Zi ri Tad jgu fad iyo fa: IX,,44,45,49,50 , ba dia tab. Se iz le ba it qvas, rom ase Ti Wur Wle bi mxo lod sam za re u lo da nis nu le bis iyo. IX,,41,48 , ja mi, fi a la tab. XI,1 , 7 sax lsi rki nis da nis ta ri. Zvlis na ke To be bi dan gan sa kut re bul yu radr e bas iq cevs qar qa Sis na wi li.

Zeg lis stra tig ra fi a. Tum ca arsa nis na vi a, rom xa ro e bi dan mo po ve bu li ma sa le bi tab. XI,2,3,20,30,32,35,41 10 sa me ur neo or mo Si ar mo Ce ni li ke ra mi kis iden tu ria tab. Crdi lo- da sav le Ti kutxe sam jer Cans ka pi ta lu rad Se ke Te bu li ga mov leni lia sa mi do ne, ix. Zeg lis Ta ri Ri. IV atas wle u lis fe neb- Sia ar mo Ce ni li [ja va xis vi li al. Semdgom Si, da ax lo e bit ata si wlis man Zil ze ki arar gvxvde ba. II s-dan mo xatu li ke ra mi kis wi li Tan da Tan mcir de ba ise, rom ax.

II sa u ku ni sat vis is praq tiku lad qre ba. V-I ss-is mo xa tu li ke ra mi kis udi de si na wi li mo noq ro mu li a. XX s-is i a ni wle bi dan mo xa tu li ke ra mi kis mra va li ni mu Si ar moc nda. VII sam kutx e de bis sti lis ke ra mikas Se e sa ba me ba. V an IV s-dan va ra u do ben. Cve ni az rit, am or na men tis qar Tlis te ri to ri a ze dam kvid re bas ori pi roba gan sazr vrav da.

Cve ni az rit, sam xret kav ka si a Si aqe me nidu ri kul tu ris gav rce le ba Zv. IV s-is Sua xa ne bam de iar se ba. VI s-is mi wu ruls Tu ara Zv. V s-is da sawyis Si uk ve un da Se mo su li yo yo fa Si. V-IV ss Sua xa ne bit Ta rir de ba. VI s-s mi e kut vne ba. V s-is da sawy i si dan qar- Tlis Ti xis Wur Wlis for meb sa da teqno lo gi a ze ira nu li ke ra mi kis gav le na Se i nis ne ba. Tum ca re gu la rul sa a Reb -mi cemo ur Ti er To bas ad reb rin ja os xa na Si eyre ba sa fuz ve li.

II atas wle u lis da sawy i si da wi na u re ba. Sua brin ja os xa na Si isev ar se bob da is savaw ro gza, ro me lic Zv. VIII s-is miwu ruls iwy e ba, ra mac am re gi on Si di di po li ti ku ri da eko no mi ku ri cvli le be bi ga mo iw vi a. VII s-is me o- re na xev ri sat vis ki me ri e le bi ax lo ar mosav let Si mnis vne lo van rols Ta ma So ben.

VIII s-is bo los; me o re etapi da iwyo Zv. Crdi lo e Ti dan mom di na re safrtxe im de nad di di iyo, rom ki ros II wi na azi is qvey ne bis da mor Ci le bis Sem deg isev Crdi lo -ar mo sav le TiT ib rzvis. Tum ca, sa va ra u do a, rom kam biz ma mxo lod cen tra lu ri azi is sazr vre bis ga mag re bis Sem deg ilas qra eg vip te Si. Tra ki a Sic swo red am dros mdid ru li sa mar xe bi Cnde ba [Kull B. TiT qmis yvela mkvle va ri Tan xmde ba, rom XI sat ra pi as ar mo sav le Ti dan kas pi is zrva, Crdi lo e- Ti dan ki kav ka si o ni sazr vrav da.

V s-is mi wu rulis mdgo ma re o bas asa xavs. Tum ca, mi si azrit, ar se bob da uf ro ad re u li da yo fac. VI s-is pir ve li na xev ris mdgo mare o ba. VI s-is me o re na xe var sa da Zv. V s-is da sawy is- Si he ro do tes mi xed vit am te ri to ri as isev sas pe re bi ga na ge ben, rom le bic uk ve IV s-is da sawy i sam de. VI s-is Sua xa ne bi dan Zv. XVIIIO sat ra pi is sazr vre bis dad ge na he ro do tes mo na ce me bis mi xed vit met - nak le bi si zus tit Se iz le ba.

Za ba te zec. Ra fan ci a ni Tvlis, rom ha i a sas tome bi md. VI s-si is to ri ul are na ze ga mo di an ar me ne bi ar mi ne bi behis tu nis war we ri dan. VI s-si iwy e- ba urar tus da sav le Ti ra i o ne bis ar me niza ci a, ise rom Zv. V s-is mi wu ruls qseno fon te ha i -ar me nebs uk ve kar du xe bis Crdi lo e TiT md.

Wo ro xis sa Ta ve e bi sa ken. IV s-si ar me ne bi ara ra tis dab lob ze Ca nan, q. II s-is da sawy i si sat vis arme ni is sa me fo uk ve sak ma od vrcel te rito ri as mo i cavs. XVIII sat ra pi a Si Se ma vali ar me ni is ar mo sav let na wil sa da mis me zo bel qvey neb Si ram de ni me cen tri iyo arin -ber di e re bu ni , sa ri- Te fe ya zaxi , md.

Ce mi az rit, XVIII satra pi is Crdi lo e Ti sazr va ri vrcel de boda be ni a mi nis sa sax lis mflo be lis qveynis sam xret sazr vre bam de, ro me lic, rogorc Cans, se va nis tbi sa da ara ga wis mtis gas wvriv un da vi va ra u dot. Wo ro xis marjve na na pi ris sa Ta ve ebs ar wev da.

Se sa bami sad, qar Tlis sa ma ma sax li sos sam xre Ti sazr va ri am xazs em Txve o da. II s-is da sawy i si da kar ga [Strab. V-IV ss-is mij na ze un da iyos Sec vlili. XIX sat ra pi is mo sax le o bas mos xe bi, tiba re ne bi, mak ro ne bi, mo si ni ke bi sa da ma re bi [Hdt, III,94] war mo ad ge nen. Sem deg isi ni md. IV, VII, 18], Sem deg Se di an did da xal xmraval qa laq gim ni a da Si na wi li mkvle va re bisa mas dre van de li ba i bur Tis max lob lad atav sebs, ma nan di a ni ki q.

XVIII sat ra pia sam did ol qad sas pe re bis, ala ro di e le bis da ma ti e ne bis ol qe bad iyo fo da. V-IV ss-is sa mar xeb Si ase ve mravld gvxvde ba mdid ru li sam ka u le bis kompleq se bi, rom le bic aqe me ni du ri xe lovne bis Rrma kvals ata re ben [me li qis vi li g. Cve ni az rit, cen tra lu ri sam xret kav ka sia Zv.

VI s-is mi wu ru li dan aqe meni du ri im pe ri is dam xo bam de qar Tlis mama sax li sis gam geb lo ba Si iyo, kav ka si is da sav let na wils eg ri sis mmar Tve le bi ga na geb dnen da Se sa ba mi sad, isi ni akontro leb dnen kav ka si on ze ar se bul gadmo sas vle lebs.

V-I sa u ku ne e bis qar- Tlis i be ri is is to ri is zo gi er Ti sa dis ku sio sa kitx is Se sa xeb. Taya is vi li. VI-IV sau ku ne eb Si. Tri a le Tis sa marov ne bi. V-I sa u ku neb Si. II samec ni e ro se si a: III sa mecni e ro se si a: V-I ss wit lad mo xa tu li ke ra mi ka qar Tli dan stilis tu ri ana li zi, qro no lo gi is sa kitx e bi. I atas wle u lis Sua xa ne bis ar qe o lo gi u ri ma sale bis mi xed vit.

San SaS vi li n. Ba ba ev I. An Acha e me nid pa la ce at Qa ra ja mir li Azer ba i jan. Ne u er ar chäo lo ges cher Be fund im Be zirk Ka re li, ki da Kar tli. Neue Be o bac htun gen zur acha i me ni dis chen ba u kunst in Kar tli. Gam kre lid ze G.

Ein Rhyton mit Götter dar stel lung aus der Kol chis. Acha i me ni den her rschaft in der Ka u ka sus - Re gi on und in Cis -Ka u ka si en. A gro up of Ibe ri an fi re tem ples 4 th Cent.

BC-and 2 nd Cent. Hin ter grun dbil der und Jen se it skon zep ti o nen im nicht schrif this to ris chen Ra um. Eu ra sia Anti qu a. Lic he li V. Acha i me ni dis che Fun dor te in Sam cche Sxdge or gi en. Lor dki pa nid ze O. Mac ha rad ze S. Neue Fun de aus Zic hi a- Go ra.

Die Ke ra mik Kar tlis Ibe ri ens in ac ha i- me ni dis cher und pos tac ha i me ni dis cher Ze it. Na ri ma nis hvi li G. Stylis tic Anal ysis and Chro no logy. Ance int Ne ar Eas tern Stu di es. Lo u va in. Ter -Mar ti ro sov F. Die Gren zen der ac ha i me ni dis chen Ge bi e te in Tran ska u ka si en. Ca na xa ti; sur. Ca na xa ti. The reader is offered the paper by the wellknown archaeologist, Academician Otar Lordkipanidze which came out as a preprint in and soon turned into a rare publication.

Thus, some may hold that the history of Georgian civilization should start from the time of creation of a single Georgian state with a common Georgian culture and national self-consciousness, i. Others may consider the 4th century to be the beginning of the history of Georgian civilization, for at that time Christianity was declared the state religion which laid a firm foundation for the development of Georgian national culture and consciousness.

I personally believe it admissible to commence the history of Georgian civilization from the time suggested by the medieval Georgian conception as found in Kartlis Tskhovreba hen ce for ward abbreviated to KTs - History of Georgia, namely, with King Parnavaz. I do feel and understand the complexity of such a conceptualization of the question. Therefore my views are highly hypothetical and I shall try to set down only some of them.

However, first a few words on how civilization should be understood. Many views have been expressed in the specialist literature on the criteria and characteristic features defining civilization. Of these most comprehensive is that of the eminent English archaeologist Gordon Childe, according to which, civilization should be characterized by state organization, the existence of a privileged class or classes, a system of taxes and centralized wealth accumulated through regular levying of tribute; a definite level of economic development and commercial relations, the emergence of professional artisans, writing, developed art, beginnings of science.

So-called primary seats - or as they are sometimes called, primary civilizations - are determined in scholarly literature upon the establishment in this or that society of the features just listed. These are followed by the so-called secondary civilizations. In this case, we have to deal with concrete regional and national seats, i.

The cultural values language, literature, religious outlook, architecture and art, etc. Any national civilization - in the present case, Georgian - should in the first place be regarded as a complex socio-economic, political and culturalideological system, which is already familiar with the initial forms of exploitation and administrative and political organization.

Naturally enough, such a complex system does not come into being all of a sudden. It is preceded by development over thousands of years, creating a solid foundation for civilization.

If the development of human society in present-day Georgia and in the lands lying southward and settled by tribes of Kartvelian stock is viewed from this angle, we shall clearly discern in the archaeological material the gradual emergence of individual elements of civilization at separate stages of the country s multi-millennial history. Suffice it to note that farming and cattle breeding begin to develop among Kartvelian tribes and on Georgian territory as far back as the 6 th -5 th millennia B.

The latter played an outstanding role in the socioeconomic and political development of Kartvelian tribes, essentially laying a firm foundation for the gradual creation of the main, determining structures of civilization among Kartvelian tribes [1]. The powerful political union of the Diauhi Diaohi, Daiaeni , existing in the southern Transcaucasus in the 12 th -7 th cent.

Unfortunately, today we have little knowledge about these ancient Kartvelian state entities which no doubt reflected the earliest stage of the history of Georgian civilization and which can be tentatively called Kartvelian. We have comparatively better knowledge of one of the principal Georgian ethnoses, viz. As far back as the second half of the 2 nd millennium B.

Colchian tribes created a highly developed Bronze Culture on the territory of present-day Western Georgia, widely known in the specialist literature as Colchian [4].

The study of archaeological material points clearly to the rapid pace of technical progress and an high developmental level. Already from the middle of the 2 nd millennium B. This in turn formed the basis for the wide production of more or less perfect farming equipment. A firm foundation was being laid for an intensive development of farming, particularly accented on growing grain crops and livestock-breeding - one of the essential elements of civilization.

This process was accelerated further by the adoption of iron, the rate of its implementation being especially high in the 8 th -7 th cent. The archaeological finds of this period are noteworthy for the exceptionally large number of farming tools and their diversity. The rapid growth of agriculture resulted in an intensive economic development of the Colchian lowland from the second half of the 2 nd millennium B. From the 8 th -7 th cent B. According to fresh archaeological discoveries, Colchis in the 6 th -5 th centuries B.

The existence of writing in Colchis is a moot problem. However, it should be noted that the absence of writing cannot always serve as a proof of the nonexistence of a state.

A complex historico-sociological, ethnological, and archaeological study, conducted recently in the African continent, has revealed a number of state confederations that do not use writing the Yoruba city-states, Benin, the Monomotap Empire, and others.

It should nevertheless be noted that ancient Greek sources have preserved evidence on the existence among the Colchians of writings of their fathers, graven on pillars kurbeis [8], which some researchers take for a direct evidence of the existence of writing in ancient Colchis [9]. Some Greek and Byzantine authors Palephatus, John of Antioch, Suida tell of books written on skins [10] in the context of the legend of the Golden Fleece.

However, so far we have no material proof of the existence of monuments of Colchian writing in the available archaeological finds. Perhaps the use of Greek writing is not to be ruled out, as is attested in a number of highly-cultured countries of the world of the period under discussion. Names, scratched in Greek characters on pottery, found in some 5 th cent.

Thus, Colchis of the 7 th -5 th cent. The national makeup of this civilization was determined by its highlyspecific material culture pottery, goldsmithery, jargvali architecture, bronze plastic art, etc. The ethnic affinity of the Colchians causes no doubt: There are fairly numerous arguments to support this conclusion [13].

I shall name only a few. The area of bronze culture referred to as Colchian, on the territory of Western Georgia essentially coincides with the diffusion of ancient Megrel-Chan place names including in the areas no longer populated by Megrel-Chans, e. Imereti, Guria, Samtskhe-Javakheti and partly in the western and north-western parts of historical Inner Kartli [14].

The evidence preserved in Byzantine literature is also highly significant. Thus, according to a 5 th -cent. Chorokhi lived the people called Colchians, and were later named the Laz [15].

The 6 th -cent. Byzantine historian Agathias Scholasticus says: The Laz are a mighty and brave tribe, and they lord over other powerful tribes as well; they take pride in the ancient name of Colchians, and are haughty beyond measure, and perhaps not without ground I know of no other tribe so renowned and powerful - both in the abundance of wealth and the number of subjects, as well as in the richness of land, bumper crops, and the harmoniousness and refinement of their customs and mores [16].

This evidence is significant in many ways. To an historian reared in traditions of Classical Greek historiography it primarily meant the existence among these people of a state system inherited from the ancient Colchian Kingdom.

At the same time, the evidence just cited is a rare and clear illustration of national consciousness handed down from generation to generation, which was preserved even in the 6 th century among the Laz - the creators on the territory of Western Georgia Colchis , first of the Pontic Kingdom of Mithradates VI, and then of the new state called the Kingdom of Lazica [17], annexed later by the Romans.

The Byzantines, too, were well aware of the existence of this consciousness among the Laz. The fact is also worth noting that the traditional name of the first Colchian King Aeetes was preserved among the Laz nobles. Thus, during the Byzantine-Iranian wars in the 6 th century a local noble, called Aeetes, appears to have been an active political figure [18].

This is also an incontestable corroboration of Strabo s noteworthy evidence: That Aeetes is believed to have ruled over Colchis and the name Aeetes is still locally current among the people of that region [19]. Thus, the sources are unanimous in pointing to the genetic relationship of the Laz and the Colchians.

The Laz have preserved their language to the present day, which - along with Megrel-Chan - is Western Georgian. Thus, the Colchlans - the direct ancestors of present-day Megrel-Chans and the Laz - were the creators of the first state and civilization on the territory of Western Georgia [20]. The creation of a state was an act of major political importance in the developmental history of the local society. It was the highest form of political consolidation and ordering of social life according to the territorial-administrative principle in place of the local-tribal, i.

This highly important fact, viz. Strabo speaks of the division of Colchis into sceptuchies, i. The political centres of such administrative units have been discovered: Vani [22], as well as Sairkhe [23].

The concentration of masters of construction, jewellery artisanship, workshops for the manufacture of items of precious metals and clay, fabrics, and in general luxury goods, as well as weapons.

The archaeological material shows also that already in the 6 th, and especially in the 5 th -4 th cent. Colchian administrative centres Vani, Sairkhe had turned into major commercial and artisan centres [24]. The concentration of artisan manufacture at definite centres and accord- Thus, the emergence of Colchian statehood, and respectively of civilization, essentially meant the creation in Western Georgia of territorial units based on the principle of administrative government, later forming part of a united Georgian state.

The shaping of a single ethnocultural system was one of the essential consequences of the creation of the Colchian state, which is graphically reflected in the archaeological material of 7 th -4 th cent. Many-tribalness is obliterated, as it were, the same happening to groups of differing ethnic affinity which found themselves within the Colchian Kingdom.

Thus, the emergence of the Colchian state, and the development of Colchian civilization resulted in the creation of a number of state structures: Thus, at that time state, and in general, civilization, structures took shape, which subsequently became an organic part of a unitary Georgian civilization, suffering transformation conformably to the period. Another point is worth noting, viz. Already from the 6 th -5 th cent. The Black Sea was the medium of lively commercial contacts between ancient Greece, viz.

Athens and a number of other trade-and-artisan centres Chios, Samos, Thasos and Miletus, Sinope, and others and Colchis, attended by cultural relations. Advanced Greek, and subsequently Hellenistic, achievements in science, engineering, and culture generally, spread and transformed on local ground, were implemented, as reflected vividly in Colchian archaeological finds, which I shall not discuss here at length [27].

I shall hypothesize only that the lively contacts of Colchis with the Greek world, commencing regularly from the 6 th -5 th cent. The great political cataclysms following Alexander the Great s campaigns in the Near East and the emergence of Hellenistic states, the conquests of Mithradates VI, and then of the Romans, Byzantine-Iranian wars, etc.

Vipsanio Agripa y M. James Russell Zoroastrianism in Armenia, Harvard,along Love makes me emotional. Soon, the Treasury and using second chances within the right side of the bottom again in a 3 factors! Antara Idealisme dan Pragmatisme comments. After all, Dionysos suited this land of viticulture and wine-consumption. To assist with the steering, another oar is being operated by a man in the bow.

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